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Nabarralde | Nabarra Papers

Gender Equality, A Constant Struggle

Pototo Etxarri and Mila Parot Zubimendi

All studies published this year are showing that average salaries for men surpass those of women in the same job category. Women's salaries in the Basque territories under Spanish jurisdiction are approximately 70 percent of men's salaries. This situation is maintained by both direct and indirect discrimination. However, the fact that in the Basque territories under French jurisdiction the earnings gap is 9 percent is evidence that valid tools against wage discrimination do exist.

Several studies published in early 2000 reveal the extent to which women are paid less, for equal work, than men.

A study conducted by the trade union UGT in Navarre confirmed that a working woman's salary in that Basque region is 69 percent of a man's salary for doing the same job.

Another study by the regional government of Baskongadak's women department, Emakunde, released this year states that 84 percent of the jobs held by women in three Basque provinces in Spain are temporary and mainly in the domestic sector. According to the Emakunde report, unemployment among women is twice higher than among men.

A study by the Spanish Employment Institute released this year revealed that the highest gender gap in unemployment in the state was reported in Navarre where women unemployment rate was 253% higher than it was for men followed by Castile-Leon (180%), Castile-La Mancha (175%), Aragon (168%), La Rioja (163%), and Baskongadak (147%).

The study conducted by the Spanish Fundación Argentaria and published in early 2000 confirms that women are paid less than men for equal work, and that temporary workers are paid less than those on open-ended employment contracts. Wages in Spain finds that the average monthly wages of a male worker on an open-ended contract in 1999 were ESP 287,423 gross (including average overtime pay), compared with ESP 161,923 for all temporary workers, and ESP 211,981 for women on open-ended contracts.

Several factors explain the wage differential between permanent and temporary workers. The former receive seniority bonuses and other bonuses linked to productivity or objectives, whereas the latter usually do not. Moreover, the skills required and the responsibilities of the job are usually lower for temporary workers, and basic wages are also different. Regarding the relationship between men's and women's pay, eliminating differentials accounted for by contract type, seniority or responsibility leaves a 12.5% gap that is explained solely by gender, according to the report.

The simple fact of being a woman means that a worker is worse paid. The Fundación Argentaria study, based on a sample of 175,000 workers in companies with 10 and more employees, has confirmed the views that the trade unions have held for some time, based on studies of lesser scope and on daily experience. In particular, the findings are seen as confirming the belief that one of the fundamental reasons for the high level of temporary employment in the Spanish state, including its Basque region, is not the uncertainty of the market but the desire of employers to cut labor costs. For employers, the competitiveness of the Spanish economy demands the reduction of wage costs.

From an overall social point of view, specialists tend to explain the maintenance of this clear two-tier pay structure - by type of contract and by gender - by the fact that women and/or temporary workers tend to form part of a family unit in which another person, the husband/father, has a higher and more stable wage. However, this does not explain everything.

Another study, recently carried out by the Catholic institution for fighting social exclusion, Cáritas, entitled The conditions of life of the poor population from a territorial perspective finds that in Spain 8.5 million people are poor because they have to live on less than ESP 35,000 a month. The main contributory factor to poverty is the lack of work (unemployment is three times higher among the poor) or labour precariousness. However, more and more poor homes are supported by women -a situation that has been called the "feminisation of poverty".

As the data clearly indicate, while our exclusive emphasis on market statistics has focussed attention on the transition to a new era of growing equality for working women, the invisibility of unpaid household production has left unresolved the inequities of the previous era. The resulting contradictions include wage and gender discrimination in the economy, costly investments in "labor-saving" household devices that have not actually saved time, inaccurate estimates of real growth, and longer working hours for women.

These contradictions are now having a direct impact on our daily quality of life in the form of high levels of poverty for single mothers, children and unattached elderly women, rising levels of time stress, and declining levels of parental care time for young children.

The data also clearly point out to the need for a more efficient and equitable distribution of time, resources and housework responsibilities, for adequate social supports for those working long hours without pay in the household economy, and for flexible workplace arrangements for both men and women that allow work and famility responsibilities to be balanced more effectively to ease the intense time pressure.

Expanding what we count and measure denotes a profound shift in values that can provide a practical basis for building the just and equitable society we genuinely wish to inhabit and leave for our children.

October 1, 2000

Note: Pototo Etxarri is a social worker and a graduate student of History. Mila Parot Zubimendi is a law student and environmental activist.