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Electoral Landscape in the Basque Territories

The 18 March 2001 French municipal elections had dramatic results in Navarre's territories in France. with Basque nationalists winning 12 percent of the total vote in Behe-Nafarroa, Lapurdi and Zuberoa. The progressive Abertzaleen Batasuna (AB) won a seat on the General Council of the Pyrenees-Atlantiques department, as well as the mayorship in the town of Hiriburu, both for the first time--in spite of right-wing candidates who furiously worked behind the scenes to try to scare away potential voters for Basque nationalist groups by linking them to violence. The French socialists lost two towns in the Basque territories, Ziburu and Angelu, trounced by rightists who capitalized. In Hendaia, a united left slate to victory holding the Socialist stronghold with AB candidates.

The most significant development in the municipal elections in residual Navarre in 1999 was the radical Herri Batasuna/Euskal Herritarrok's emergence in the former Basque state as a stronger political force. The party held only three seats in Pamplona's local government prior to to the elections: By winning six this time, they became the second political force and displayed a remarkable capacity for turning a grassroots focus on local issues into votes.

The 13 May 2001 legislative elections in Vascongadas (the Spanish Basque territories of Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa) was a bitterly fought campaign that pitted the Popular Party (PP) of Spain's Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar against their former ally the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV).

The PNV and a smaller nationalist party, EA, together saw their seats rise by six to 33, but were still short of a majority and in need of support from other parties.

Herri Batasuna/Euskal Herritarrok (currently known as Batasuna) saw its seats halved to seven from the last election in 1998 while the Popular Party gained only one seat after opinion polls had predicted much stronger gains.

Herri Batasuna/Euskal Herritarrok blamed their loss of votes on the "fear" felt by voters that the Spanish parties might win office. But many voters who once supported Basque independence feel now "confortable" with the current status of these three Spanish Basque provinces and support "more autonomy within Spain."

Aznar's party spent much of its campaign accusing the ruling Basque Nationalist Party of failing to use its wide powers to fight ETA and of cosying up to the radicals after the PNV struck an alliance with Herri Batasuna/Euskal Herritarrok in 1998, during an ETA ceasefire. ETA returned to its arm campaign in December 1999, blaming the Spanish government for refusing to discuss self-determination and also the PNV for breaking a pact with ETA for self-determination and having left the so-called peace process stalled.

After the latest ETA ceasefire of 1998, Euskal Herritarrok/Herri Batasuna) gave parliamentary support to the PNV, whose conservative legislation raced through the regional parliament at the speed of light. Euskal Herritarrok/Herri Batasuna Eusebio Lasa justified his party backing the PNV Budget 2000 Law "based on the neoliberal model" in the name of the Basque cause.

Herri Batasuna/Euskal Herritarrok found that not only had they saw its percentage of the popular vote plunge to about 10 percent, the lowest since Spain re-established monarchy in the late 1970s, but their social, economic and political agenda was virtually indistinguishable from the right-wing Basque Nationalist Party for the first time ever.

Background

The conflict with Spain has driven politics in Navarre since the nation's infancy. While Basque nationalist struggles over autonomy statute may have given way to conflicts on things like fiscal privileges, the underlying issue has remained the same. The Basque conflict is a conflict between nations--on one side Navarre; Spain and France on the other.

In most of Spain and France the political spectrum has been, generally, bi-polar--right wing forces confronting left wing forces. In residual Navarre and its truncated territories (Araba, Behe-Nafarroa, Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa, Lapurdi and Zuberoa) the alignment is triangular. Basque nationalism has had two traditional adversaries: the liberal/conservatives, supported by the Basque oligarchy, and the socialists, supported mainly by immigrant workers. Contemporary Basque nationalism added a new symbol to the so-called Basque cause: the socialism of the radical Basque nationalists.

The political space in the Basque territories is characterized by the French "left" and "right;" the Spanish "left" and "right;" and Basque nationalism--the conservative and the radical or "abertzale left" (patriotic left).

The national left in the Basque territories in France is represented by the Socialist Party (PSF) and the Communist Party (PCF); in residual Navarre and the Spanish Basque provinces by the Socialist Party (PSOE) and the communist-led United Left (IU). The national right in the Basque territories in France is represented by the Gaullists, The Rally for the Republic (RPR), the liberals, the Union for French Democracy (UDF), and the fascist National Front (FN); in residual Navarre and the Spanish Basque territories by the Popular Party (PP)--the heirs to dictator Franco.

The Basque nationalist right is led by the so-called traditional Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) and its rival Eusko Alkartasuna (EA). The Basque nationalist left is represented by Abertzaleen Batasuna, Aralar, Batasuna, Batzarre, and Zutik.

The national right and the Basque nationalist right enjoy stranglehold on power in the Basque territories. The Navarrese branch of Spain's Popular Party, the Unión del Pueblo Navarro (UPN, Popular Party and Unity of Navarrese People), is the ruling party in residual Navarre; the Basque Nationalist Party governs in coalition with Eusko Alkartasuna the three Spanish Basque provinces of Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa--aka Vascongadas. In May 2001 the Popular Party (PP) took over from the Araba provincial government of the PNV. RPR and UDF enjoy wide support in the Basque territories in France.

The PVN and its offshoot EA have little standing in residual Navarre, Behe-Nafarroa, Lapudi and Zuberoa. Of all the Basque nationalist groups, only the radical Batasuna have significant standing in residual Navarre--the largest of the Basque territories.

Jose Maria Aznar, the leader of the Popular Party (PP), became Spain's prime minister in May 1996 thanks to the largest Catalan party, Convergéncia i Unió (CiU), a handful of Canary Islanders, and a party in Valencia, which gave him the majority he needed to win the investiture vote on May 6.

Although Aznar did not need the support of the PNV to win the investiture, the PNV agreed to give him a more confortable cushion in parliament. The leader of the PNV, Xabier Arzalluz, even went further than the leader of the CiU, Mr. Jordi Pujol, and signed a formal agreement with Aznar. Some of the PNV deal was about symbols: Aznar agreed to compensate Arzalluz's party for property seized or destroyed by General Francisco Franco's government. The agreement also gave the regional government of Araba, Bizkaia, and Gipuzkoa, some extra tax advantages, more authority over their ports, a bit more money for training schemes, and a vague commitment to consider more devolution in the future.